The report, relying on public documents, satellite images, and witness testimonies, highlights that authorities are now targeting mosques in the northern Ningxia region and Gansu province, areas with significant Hui Muslim populations, as part of an officially termed “consolidation” process, writes the AP.

According to the report, this crackdown involves not only closures but also the removal of architectural elements from mosques to align them more closely with “Chinese” aesthetics. This aligns with the broader objective of the ruling Communist Party to assert control over religious practices and mitigate potential challenges to its authority.

President Xi Jinping’s 2016 call for the “Sinicization” of religions initiated a crackdown primarily focused on Xinjiang, home to over 11 million Uyghurs and other Muslim minorities.

A United Nations report from the previous year suggested that China may have committed “crimes against humanity” in Xinjiang, including the construction of extrajudicial internment camps holding at least 1 million Uyghurs, Huis, Kazakhs, and Kyrgyz.

Human Rights Watch asserts that Chinese authorities are decommissioning, closing, demolishing, or repurposing mosques in regions outside Xinjiang to suppress religious expression.

In response to an Associated Press request for comment, the Chinese Foreign Ministry emphasized its commitment to protecting and repairing mosques, stating that it ensures the normal religious needs of believers are met. The ministry criticized the alleged bias against China and urged organizations to refrain from using religious issues for political manipulation.

The term “mosque consolidation” first surfaced in an April 2018 internal party document, leaked as part of the “Xinjiang Papers.” The document instructed state agencies nationwide to enhance the standardized management of Islamic religious venues and discouraged the construction of new mosques to reduce their overall number.

Human Rights Watch’s acting China director, Maya Wang, asserted, “The Chinese government is not ‘consolidating’ mosques as it claims, but closing many down in violation of religious freedom.” She described the government’s actions as part of a systematic effort to curb the practice of Islam in China.

The group’s researchers detail specific instances of mosque alterations, such as the removal of domes and minarets in Liaoqiao and Chuankou villages in Ningxia between 2019 and 2021. Videos and images, corroborated with satellite imagery, documented the destruction of three mosques’ main buildings and damage to the ablution hall of another.

References to the ” consolidating mosques ” policy were also found in a March 2018 document from Yinchuan, the capital of Ningxia, which advocated for strict control over the number and scale of religious venues, encouraging mosques to adopt Chinese architectural styles.

In Gansu province, local governments have similarly detailed efforts to “consolidate” mosques, with Guanghe County reporting the cancellation of mosque registrations, closures, and improvements.

While news reports suggest that the Chinese government has faced occasional public backlash over mosque closures or alterations in various regions, the Associated Press could not independently verify the changes outlined in the Human Rights Watch report.

The post China Extends Mosque Crackdown Beyond Xinjiang, Human Rights Watch Reports first appeared on The Postcolonial.

The Philippines has voiced its protests against what it considers increasingly dangerous actions by China’s coast guard and navy in recent months. On October 22, two Chinese ships blocked and separately collided with two Philippine vessels near the disputed Second Thomas Shoal in the South China Sea.

In response to the collisions, the United States reiterated its commitment to defend the Philippines, a longstanding treaty ally, if Filipino forces came under attack in the contested waters. The Philippine government also summoned a Chinese diplomat in Manila to protest.

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) diplomats expressed their concerns during the Beijing talks, part of ongoing negotiations between China and ASEAN to establish a “code of conduct” to prevent a larger armed conflict in the South China Sea.

The South China Sea has been a source of territorial disputes, with China and four ASEAN member states—Brunei, Malaysia, the Philippines, and Vietnam—along with Taiwan, locked in a long-standing standoff. The region holds significant strategic importance, with potential vast undersea deposits of oil and gas.

Recent incidents in the South China Sea, such as a close encounter between a Chinese fighter jet and an American B-52 bomber, have intensified tensions between the United States and China in the region.

While the U.S. has no territorial claims, it emphasizes the importance of freedom of navigation and peaceful dispute resolution, challenging China’s expansive territorial claims in the area. China insists that the South China Sea issue is an exclusively Asian matter and has urged the U.S. not to meddle in regional affairs.

The post China and Southeast Asian Diplomats Commit to South China Sea Nonaggression Pact Amid Escalating Tensions first appeared on The Postcolonial.

Alongside them, the United Arab Emirates, Argentina, Egypt, and Ethiopia will also join the bloc, which currently consists of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa.

The announcement took place at a BRICS summit in Johannesburg, where President Ramaphosa, the current chair of the bloc, disclosed the decision. The expansion had been under talks for over a year and was agreed upon during the summit after two days of discussions.

This marks the second time that BRICS has opted to expand its membership. Initially formed in 2009 with Brazil, Russia, India, and China, South Africa was incorporated in 2010. Presently, the BRICS bloc represents around 40% of the global population and contributes more than a quarter of the world’s GDP.

Leaders from five of the current member countries were present during the summit’s announcement: Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Chinese President Xi Jinping, and South African President Cyril Ramaphosa.

However, Russian President Vladimir Putin was absent due to an International Criminal Court arrest warrant issued against him in March related to the abduction of children from Ukraine. He participated virtually, while Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov represented the nation at the announcement in Johannesburg.

Chinese leader Xi emphasized the significance of this expansion, stating, “This membership expansion is historic. It shows the determination of BRICS countries for unity and development.”

The United Arab Emirates’ leader, Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, expressed his welcome to the inclusion of his nation in BRICS through an online message on X (formerly known as Twitter). He conveyed hopes for continued cooperation for the prosperity and well-being of all nations and people across the globe.

The inclusion of Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates in the same economic and political organization would have seemed unlikely in recent years due to escalating tensions resulting from the 2015 collapse of Tehran’s nuclear deal and a series of attributed attacks.

Nevertheless, diplomatic reengagement has emerged, between the UAE and Iran, following the coronavirus pandemic and incidents involving Iranian-backed Houthi rebels. In March, Saudi Arabia and Iran declared a separate détente mediated by China.

Despite Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and China have all maintained relationships with Russia. This development has raised concerns in Washington, which has historically provided security guarantees to these major oil-producing nations. China has also pursued closer ties with all three countries, particularly Iran, with whom it has engaged in oil imports post the nuclear deal’s breakdown.

The post BRICS to expand economic bloc with 6 countries first appeared on The Postcolonial.

Population numbers of the critically endangered Irrawaddy dolphin in the Mekong River have plumped for decades, dropping from 200 in 1997 to around 90 today due to habitat loss and uncontrolled fishing.

In an attempt to save the species, Cambodian premier Hun Sen ordered the implementation of conservation zones in the Mekong River on Monday, according to the AFP. The initiative comes after several dolphins have been found dead in the past year.

“The Mekong River, which is home to near-extinct dolphins and fish species, must be well managed so that dolphins will not die from entanglement in gillnets,” said Sen. “The dolphin areas must be protected completely.” Gillnets are nets placed along parts of the river to snare fish.

Authorities will set up floating markers around protection zones at the river, which will indicate an “absolute ban” on all fishing in designated areas.

Irrawaddy dolphins are known for their bulging foreheads and short beaks. They are an essential asset for locals that offers tour guides for foreigners to spectate the dolphin in its natural habitat.

Changing waters

The Mekong River, which also borders Laos, has long gone through human developments that make it difficult for the dolphins to survive. Other than illegal fishing that unintentionally catches the mammal, hydropower dams funded by Chinese involvement in partly state-owned enterprises tamper the river’s ecosystem.

“[A] big number of fish that need to move upstream for breeding and spawning are unable to pass the dam barrier during the dry season. This leads to reduced fish stock in the transboundary deep pool habitats that would affect dolphin prey and have affected daily food consumption of people of both countries,” Seng Teak, country director for WWF Cambodia, told The Third Pole.

The consequences have been enormous, as the last Irrawaddy dolphin was confirmed dead in 2022 declaring the species extinct in Laos. The same fate could reach dolphins in Cambodia’s territory.

“The numbers in the [transboundary] pool have plummeted over the last few years, due to multiple threats,” said Lan Mercado, Asia-Pacific director of WWF in a 2022 statement. “Including hydropower dam construction causing disruptions to river flow and reduced fish abundance, drowning in gill-nets, and the use of damaging fishing practices such as electrofishing and overfishing.”

Alarm raised after deaths

Cambodian premier Hun Sen orders come just a week after conservationists raised concerns after three Irrawaddy dolphins died within 10 days of each other.

According to the World Wildlife Fund (WWF), such deaths of healthy dolphins in a brief timeframe indicates ”an increasingly alarming situation and the need for intensive law enforcement be urgently conducted in the dolphin habitats,” it said on Monday last week writes the AP.

It is believed that the deaths stemmed from entanglement in an illegal fishing line. The WWF urged law enforcement to help save the species.

WWF said that a total of 29 dolphins have died in the past three years. 11 of them in 2022 alone.

What is believed to have been the last Irrawaddy dolphin located in Cambodia’s northeastern region of the Mekong River was found dead in February 2022. It had reportingly been seen tangled in a fishing net about a week earlier.

The mammals are usually found in packs of 6 members.

The post Cambodia orders Mekong conservation zone to save endangered dolphins first appeared on The Postcolonial.

On October 19, the Australian Strategic Policy Institute (ASPI) released a report detailing the suffocating social control that the Chinese authorities are exerting on the Uyghurs and other indigenous groups in the Xinjiang region.

In spite of Chinese attempts at muddying the waters on the matter while harassing those seeking to expose the bottom, the Australian report joins a long list of reports, eyewitness accounts and open-source investigations that have shed light on the Chinese government programs in Xinjiang.

The revelations have led two separate American administrations and the Canadian Parliament to declare the Chinese actions in Xinjiang a genocide.

Yet, there are parallels between the Chinese abuses and the Indian residential school system established in Canada in the beginning of the 20^th century, that was central to the country’s policy on indigenous groups, as well as the American justifications of human rights violations after September 11.

Schools that ‘civilize’

Part of the Chinese social control in Xinjiang appears in the form of Chinese government-run boarding schools intended for Muslim children. In 2019 nearly half a million children in Xinjiang had been separated from their families and placed in such boarding schools.

Most of these boarding school programs began around the beginning of the 20^th century, and in Canada the last of them did not close until 1996. These schools were considered ‘engines of cultural and spiritual change where savages went in and Christians came out.’

Another War on Terror

While Muslim children in Xinjiang have been taken away to boarding schools, many of their parents have been taken to internment camps. It is estimated that more than a million people are currently kept in such camps while upwards of eight million have passed through one of them in recent years.

Former detainees describe how they were subjected to daily physical and psychological abuse, torture as well as attempts at brainwashing through a ceaseless barrage of government propaganda.

However, while the Chinese claim that the camps are not detention camps but rather vocational centres, they often justify internments in Xinjiang as being part of an effort to combat the dangers of separatist extremism and Islamic terrorism in the region.

From changing American administrations a similar rhetoric has been employed in the War on Terror to justify the indefinite detention of people at Guantanamo without due process, the use of drone strikes to target alleged terrorists at the expense of civilian casualties, and the invasion of other countries.

Turning the spotlight to the Chinese atrocities in Xinjiang with strong condemnation compels countries like the US and Canada to engage with their own similarly dark pasts on the matter. Alternatively, genocide could end up simply becoming a meaningless accusation tossed around between geopolitical rivals.

The post Xinjian genocide draws parallels to Canada and US first appeared on The Postcolonial.

In 2013 alone, China has invested $15 billion dollars in energy deals, which all take part in the Belt and Road Initiative, attempting to recreate the old Silk Roads. Similar to the economic networks developed by the Europeans prior to colonization, China is heavily engaged in building infrastructure and trade networks that would ease its economic activities in the region. 

Many scholars agree that the Asian giant does not have grand geo-political ambitions to be a world hegemon. China’s main interests involve a lot of natural resources coming in and a lot of trade going out, according to a 2013 study published by the organisation Saferworld. 

Central Asia has vast reserves of oil and gas that are paramount for China’s growing energy demands of 1.4 billion people and energy intensive industries. At the same time, the region  bordering the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR) serves as a market for Chinese products and as a buffer zone separating China from Iran and Afghanistan. 

Colonial parallel to British India

China’s activities in Central Asia are comparable with the British economic model implemented in India during colonization.

The British Raj, the period of direct British rule over the Indian subcontinent lasted from 1858 till the independence of India and Pakistan in 1947. 

But long before the British overtook the political administration of the region, the East India Company already had a monopoly over trade and economic activity. 

And even long before the establishment of the East India Company, European trading companies transformed local economies and social organization of the labour force, integrating them into dense networks of global trade. 

For instance, Indian textile producers were also farmers. This was possible because demand for manufactured textiles was sporadic. But, when European demand for textiles increased, the Indian labour force transitioned to full time manufacturing work to fulfil the West’s needs. 

Similarly, the Dutch started trade in Indonesia in the 1600s and assumed full political control in the 19th century. And the French conducted commerce with Vietnam and Cambodia long before it colonized Indochina. The foundation of empires is undoubtedly commerce and economic transformation.

Colonialism is yesterday

It’s unlikely that colonialism will get a comeback in world history. However, drawing parallels to the present day economic activities of China, we can identify the same economic patterns that led to eventual political domination of the Indian subcontinent by the British a few centuries ago. 

Kwame Nkrumah, a Ghanian politician and political theorist, says we are living in an ‘era of neo-colonialism‘. It’s the last stage of imperialism, where the State acts somehow independent and has all the outward accessories of international sovereignty. But in practice, its economic system and political policy is directed from outside. 

China presents itself as an international partner, who respects other countries’ sovereignty and only engages in mutually beneficial “strategic” partnerships, unlike the West that imposes conditionalities on its financing.

And many scholars agree that China has a different approach. China does not demand human rights improvements, economic liberalization, nor environmental protections. The Asian giant has more tangible requirements tied to its own capital inflows. 

For instance, concessional loans for infrastructure stipulate that 50% of companies, technology, and materials used ought to be Chinese. China also prefers loan-for-resources schemes to get repayments for its loans in the form of natural resources. 

True independence seems vague if one country is heavily dependent on another country’s loans, infrastructure projects and investments. 

More vulnerable republics, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, are already heavily dependent on Chinese capital flows. 

Out of Kyrgyzstan’s $3.7 billion external debt, $1.7 billion is loaned by China. 

These soft loans, provided by the Chinese government, are similar to commercial lending backed by collateral that usually takes the form of export proceeds of raw materials and agricultural products, the right to exploit mineral deposits, or having a share in state-owned enterprises. 

In the case of Tajikistan, the “cheap loans” are granted on concessional terms for 20 years and are returned as mineral deposits on more favourable terms.

Same colonial procedure

The case of Central Asia shows that one does not need to control policy in order to guide local economies, and thus development courses. More than that, most of these foreign investments end up repatriated, making the receiving countries dependent on constant external capital flows. 

Similar to the European powers a few centuries ago, China engages in massive economic projects and trade networks to profit its own economic ambitions. 

As Kwame Nkrumah reckoned, colonial control does not need to be exercised through garrisoning a territory or controlling a government. However, it is very likely that once the political climate does not favour these economic goals, China will change its current neutral position with regards to policy and sovereignty. And so the question is not what if?, but rather when?. 

The post China’s colonial economy first appeared on The Postcolonial.

If understanding cryptocurrencies alone did not leave you scratching your head, the different government policies aimed at regulating them certainly will.   

China has banned all cryptocurrencies, El Salvador has adopted one of them as their local currency, and the US approves most of them.

What is behind such differing policies? 

Financial authorities’ stance on cryptocurrencies often reflects their national monetary circumstances. On a local level, adoptions are made to meet the local challenges; for example, business owners in Nigeria have adopted cryptocurrencies to combat the volatile local currency.

Cryptocurrencies’ Tarnished Reputation

Since launching in 2009, Bitcoin – possibly the most well-known cryptocurrency – has seen a meteoric rise in value and development. However, today’s crypto sphere includes thousands of different cryptocurrencies – all based on or at least inspired by Bitcoin’s decentralised, open-source and peer-to-peer system. 

With the rise of Bitcoin and other cryptocurrencies, questions have been asked regarding the legitimate need and use for cryptocurrencies in a global financial system, where traditional currencies are regulated by central banks and guaranteed by states. 

The worries are not unreasonable as there have been several cases of cryptocurrencies being used for illicit activities such as money laundering, paying ransoms to hackers and purchasing illegal goods online. But these are not problems solely associated with cryptocurrencies. 

From a climate perspective, focus has been placed on the electricity-intensive mining that is required to maintain the system at a time where the world is trying to reach carbon neutrality. 

From an investment perspective, cryptocurrencies are volatile, making them a risky investment. 

Even Bitcoin, often seen as one of the most “stable” cryptocurrencies, saw its value halving between mid-April to mid-July of 2021 only to double from mid-August to mid-October.

A No-go in China

Some countries have taken a dramatic stance on crypto. An outright ban on financial dealings with cryptocurrencies was issued by the Chinese Central Bank in late September.

The perceived instability of cryptocurrencies was the reason given by the Chinese authorities to justify the government’s repeated restrictions on Chinese financial ventures wanting to adopt cryptocurrencies. 

The ban was not solely due to the volatility of cryptocurrency values or even the potential illicit cryptocurrency activities, but more about the fear of losing monetary control. “The borderless and unregulated nature of cryptocurrencies runs completely contrary to the Chinese government’s vision of a state-controlled economy where the state has tight control over the country’s monetary policy,” Chinese financial consultant Luisa Kinzius told Wired.

A Yes in El Salvador

El Salvador has not had control of its own monetary policy since it adopted the American dollar in 2001 to stabilise the country’s debilitating inflation levels. The adoption of the dollar had essentially transferred monetary control to the US.

By being the first country to adopt a cryptocurrency as a legal tender, President Bukele hopes to attract cryptocurrency investments from abroad, cut down on the country’s reliance on the American dollar and reduce the cost of  transferring money by bypassing services like Western Union. In terms of monetary control, there was a little risk when El Salvador’s crypto-enthusiast President secured legislation that saw Bitcoin being adopted as a legal tender in the country.

But the adoption sparked demonstrations leading to protesters destroying a part of the Bitcoin infrastructure that many Salvadorians see as an expensive and unnecessary investment from their government, in a country that already suffers from high unemployment rates, along with a lack of investments in areas such as education, healthcare and common infrastructure. Additionally, with 50 per cent of Salvadorians lacking access to the internet, many people are and will be unable to trade Bitcoin. This means that the adoption will exclude half of the 6.5 million population, while still demanding that all businesses and vendors start accepting Bitcoin on equal terms with the dollar.

Tipping the Scales with Cryptocurrencies

In the world of crypto, losing monetary control on a state level can mean gaining it at a local level. While Chinese authorities are banning their citizens from engaging in cryptocurrency activities and the Salvadorian authorities forcing citizens to engage in them, people from Argentina and Lebanon to Nigeria and Vietnam have adopted cryptocurrencies irrespective of their governments’ stance on the matter.

In Argentina and Lebanon, people have turned to cryptocurrency in order to bypass capital controls implemented by authorities that essentially limit people’s access to their own bank account savings. 

In Nigeria, local business owners have started using cryptocurrencies due to a shortage of dollars and as a way to insulate their businesses from the volatile local currency. At the same time, several cryptocurrencies offer faster and cheaper transactions, especially when transferring abroad.

Money sent home by workers working abroad are essential for the survival of some countries in the Global South. Using traditional transfer services can cost as much as ten per cent of the original amount in fees, which is a significant cut from family savings. 

Unlike established transfer services, using cryptocurrencies with low transfer fees can cut away this expense, providing a cheaper solution for people where every penny counts.

The post Crypto Road first appeared on The Postcolonial.

Greenland’s parliamentary elections ended on last Tuesday with a historical result. The present leading government party Siumut was left without decisive influence to form a new government, as the left-wing environmentalist party Inuit Ataqatigiit (IA) claimed victory and formed a joint majority of seats in parliament with centre party Naleraq.

Over half of those eligible to vote (27,079 Greenlanders out of 41,126 eligible votes) took a stance on election day where harsh weather conditions made it hard to reach voting booths. Greenlanders’ relationship to nature was essentially the decisive, hot topic influencing the election’s outcome.

Since Greenland gained autonomy from Denmark and formed its parliamentary system in 1979, Siumut has dominated the island politics apart from one exception. Now, IAs 34-year-old leader Múte Bourup Egede will be in charge of forming a new government, which he will lead for the next four years.

At a time when Greenland has received great attention from the international superpowers, the election result is likely going to have a far wider impact globally than usually. Many may remember how former US president Donald Trump tried to purchase Greenland from Denmark, that controls the islands foreign affairs and defence policies.

Mining for profit cancelled

Mining was one of the pressing issues in the elections, as IA and Naleraq were against mining for profit, whereas Siumut was more supportive of it. Anticipating this, Siumut replaced their chairman and head of Greenland’s government Kim Kielsen by Erik Jensen already last year, ensuring that the power shift would not have any effect on government. In essence, an extraordinary call to a new election was called because of a conflict regarding a mining project in Kuannersuit, in Greenland’s southern edge. Siumut’s pro stance to the project created disagreements on mining certificates within the government and ultimately, this made the Demokraatit party step out of their coalition in government leaving behind Siumut and Nunnata Qitornai, who only represent 11 mandates out of 31 in Greenland’s parliament.

Mining in Kuannersuit originally sparked concern among environmentalists as the mining could harm the area, which is already heavily impacted by global warming. The potential of large economic revenue, that could contribute to independence from Denmark, the mining project quickly became one of the primary topics during the elections. In the days following the elections, vice chairman of Siumut Vivian Motzfeldt told Danish broadcaster DR, that the mining project most likely cost her party the elections.

The outcome had an instant impact on international investors. The Australian-Chinese mining company Greenland Minerals A/S stocks fell about 44 percent in value just a day after the election.

A vote for the Danish realm

Despite the rare outcome, the Greenland elections recorded the ever lowest voting count to date, with 27,079 voters. These voters were named as ‘the worlds most important voters’ by Danish newspaper Weekendavisen’s editor-in-chief Martin Krasnik. According to him, Greenland has chosen a continued development of the Danish realm by the cost of delaying independence. This is a pragmatic decision that will cement Greenland and Denmark’s position when negotiating initiatives between USA, Russia and China in the arctic region the coming years.

According to some of the latest news, Russia is attempting to claim 70 percent of the Arctic Ocean seabed. This represents an area of around 800,000 square kilometres, touching the likes of Greenland/Denmark, Canada, Norway, Russia and the United States. The claim has been formally sent to relevant international institutions, and will be examined by the UN Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf by 2022.

Sovereignty of the seabed gives the winner exclusive access to potential natural resources such as oil and gas. However, Russia’s claim does not include the seabed in areas north of Alaska where the US has shown interest for years.

In terms of defence policies, the arctic region is receiving a lot of attention from global superpowers. In October last year a Chinese icebreaker sailed unannounced into Greenland’s territorial waters, according to Reuters.

Because Denmark oversees all defence policies in Greenland, the growing international attention to the area led Denmark to invest 1,5 billion Danish Kroner in February to strengthen defence and add more high-tech based surveillance in the Arctic and North Atlantic region. The investment included a Greenlandic military education the island has never seen before.

Greenland is now finding itself in the centre of global geopolitical games, surrounded by the world’s superpowers competing for emerging sea routes through the arctic due to global warming, and accessibility to rare minerals and defence politics.

The post The Global Impact of Greenland’s Elections Result first appeared on The Postcolonial.

The head of Greenland’s government Kim Kielsen lost his chairmanship for the biggest political party in the country. The Greenlandic social democratic party known as Siumut favoured Erik Jensen with 39 votes against Kielsen’s 32 at a party election on Sunday last week, High North News reports.

Mr. Jensen then fulfills his pledge from last year vowing to dethrone Mr. Kielsen from the party’s highest position. Mr. Jensen resigned his position as minister of raw material and labour market in Mr. Kielsen’s cabinet in November 2019, Greenland’s government stated in a previous press release.

Winning the chairmanship at Siumut has significant impact on Greenland’s overall political direction. Greenland formed its parliamentary system in 1979 and since then, Siumut has led all but one government. And only once has a Siumut led government had a leader who was not the chairman of the same party.

Independence from Denmark continues

According to High North News, Mr. Jensen says that he will follow the independence from Denmark with more energy than his predecessor ever did as Siumut’s chairman for six years.

‘That was in my election program. We are on the path towards independence. That is what provides warmth in any heart in Greenland. We aim to take over more areas of responsibility from Denmark,’ Mr. Jensen says.

One of the initiatives to achieve greater independence is to open trade possibilities with other nations such as the US and China.

Denmark is currently paying Greenland with a yearly financial grant that covers the Greenlandic governments administrative costs. The grant was created when the Danish government handed the administrative responsibility to the new established Greenlandic home rule in 1979.

Greenland is free to replace this grant if they can create enough revenue to be self-sufficient. And even with a growing GDP, partly because of higher fish prices, Greenland is far from making enough money to cover the administrative costs.

With the increased interest from the US, Greenland has marked its importance on the world map. This may provide them with a stronger position when negotiating trade agreements with other nations. Negotiations that the new chairman and potential coming leader of Greenland does not seem to oppose.

‘Greenland wants to cooperate with nations all over the world, whether they are blue, yellow or red, as long as they observe the law, relevant conventions and human rights,’ Mr. Jensen says.

New leadership

The chairman is not the only shift of top personnel at Siumut. Majority of the new main board consists of Erik Jensen supporters.

The new main board will decide if the current leader of Greenland’s government can continue in this position without being Siumut’s chairman. Or if they should place Mr. Jensen as the new leader, Greenlandic Broadcasting Corporation writes.

But Mr. Jensen is confident that it will not be necessary to appeal for a new national election, risking a powershift from the current Siumut led government.

Both Mr. Kielsen and Mr. Jensen has ensured that they will listen to the new main board’s decision. It is yet to be confirmed when the main board will meet to decide this.

There has been turmoil within the party. Several figures from Siumut had questioned Mr. Kielsens leadership. Seven members openly demanded his departure last year, Ritzau writes published by TV2.

Mr. Jensen did not answer exactly how he differs from the dethroned Mr. Kielsen to Greenlandic Broadcasting Corporation, but he urges for new leadership in the country.

‘We need leadership in our country. Someone who can gather the people and listen to them. I will take this step and use my skills to gather everyone in Siumut and Greenland,’ Mr. Jensen says.

Denmark still control foreign affairs and defence policies on behalf of Greenland.

The post Path of independence first appeared on The Postcolonial.